“Where’s Your Headscarf?”: Misogynistic Rules Run Rampant, Women’s Bodies Continue to Be Regulated

A closed-door meeting with Muhamad Nur Purnamasidi, a member of Commission X of the Indonesian House of Representatives, brought back old memories for Sekar (17 years old, not her real name).

The hearing, facilitated by the Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN) Indonesia in collaboration with Forum Berbagi on the afternoon of May 22, 2026, highlighted the coercion of Muslim students in various regions to wear the hijab at school. The most recent case involves a guidance counselor at State Vocational High School No. 2 in Garut, West Java, who forcibly cut the hair of 18 female students in April 2026.

“I was in shock at first. (And) I was surprised; it’s not something I’m used to experiencing,” said Sekar, who was reached at her home in Cirebon Regency, West Java. “I shared my experiences from junior high school up to high school during the hearing. It was just like when I met with the National Commission on Violence Against Women.”

It all began at a single spot: the gate of her new school, a public junior high school in Cirebon. Wearing her white-and-blue uniform, Sekar who was 12 years old at the time walked proudly toward the school. A few meters from the gate, her father, Mahendra (48 years old, not his real name), a micro-entrepreneur, watched her with emotion. 

But imagine Sekar’s surprise when the school security guard suddenly blocked her way. She wasn’t late, and she was wearing all the required uniform items, what had she done wrong? “Where’s your headscarf?” the guard asked, staring at her intently. She was eventually allowed in, but the treatment left her feeling disheartened. The next day it happened again, and again, for three days in a row.

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The stops at the gate only stopped after Mahendra met with the school security guard and firmly stated that his daughter did not wear a hijab, either at home or at school.

However, behind the school gates, the pressure turned out to be even heavier. “When I walk by (in the school hallway), people sometimes tease me, saying ‘Krislam, Krislam, Krislam’, things like that. I’m also often discriminated against by teachers and intimidated: ‘Why aren’t you wearing a headscarf? Are you Muslim or Christian?’, things like that.” 

Mahendra, who accompanied Sekar during her conversation with Konde.co, said he fully understands that choosing what to wear is a fundamental right, one that requires no permission or compromise. But he chose to compromise in order to protect Sekar from the toxic atmosphere in the classroom.  

“Rather than letting the situation escalate, I used the phrase ‘asking for permission’ when speaking to the homeroom teacher. I said, ‘I’m asking for permission,’ even though I didn’t really need to say ‘asking for permission.’ But I didn’t want to confront him directly. In the end, I was given permission,” said Mahendra.

The homeroom teacher did give permission. But the bullying continued. One day in eighth grade or the second year of junior high school, a teacher spoke in front of the entire class about a girl who refused to wear a hijab. According to the teacher, the school was actually reluctant to allow it but had no choice; the teacher concluded with a subtle dig. “May that child find guidance,” the teacher said. All the students knew who was being referred to because she was the only girl in the class who didn’t wear a hijab.

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Upon entering high school, the pressure to wear a hijab did not stop. Her three years of experience in junior high school had made her stronger. Moreover, she had recently begun receiving support from Andreas Harsono, a researcher at Human Rights Watch (HRW). To assert her choice of attire, in addition to refusing to wear a hijab, Sekar decided not to wear the long-sleeved school uniform either.

At first, a teacher rejected her request. The school was in an uproar. “But I’d already gotten permission from the principal,” she said. After she insisted, explaining that she had her father’s and Andreas Harsono’s approval, the teacher changed his mind. “He fell silent right away, gave his permission right away, and allowed it right away.”

Most of the teachers eventually accepted her choice. However, there was also a teacher who insisted. “What if Sekar wears a hijab only during my class?” Sekar said, repeating the teacher’s question. Sekar still refused.

Among her peers, Sekar had grown accustomed to offhand remarks that carried a judgmental undertone in the name of religious belief. She recalled the day a friend asked her why she didn’t wear a headscarf. “It’s my choice,” she replied briefly.

Instead of leaving it at that, her friend retorted, “It’s up to you, but God is angry.”

In her first year of high school, she had to participate in the Basic Student Leadership Training (LDKS). An instructor from the Indonesian National Armed Forces (TNI) suggested she wear a hat to cover her hair. Sekar listened politely, but she refused. “At first, the TNI officer thought I was Christian. Then he said, ‘Oh, well then.  If you can, please wear a hat when you leave the tent so your hair isn’t visible.’ But I didn’t do it,” said Sekar.

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A member of the LDKS committee, a senior student at the school from the Intra-School Student Organization (OSIS) even shouted from the middle of the field, taking a dig at her. “He said, ‘Hey, all Muslim women are required to wear a headscarf, right? Except for you, since you’re Christian,’” Sekar recalled of the incident that happened two years ago.

Sekar was active in OSIS, but lost the election for vice president. During the voting, a teacher openly told the tenth-grade students not to vote for her because she wasn’t wearing a headscarf.

Sekar’s older sister, Riyanti who was in high school when Sekar started middle school faced the same pressure at her school. Riyanti, whom Sekar described as more gentle-hearted, was once forced to wear a hijab just to avoid being constantly interrogated. It wasn’t uncommon for Sekar to see her sister crying alone.

One of the things that gave Sekar strength at school was having friends who understood and supported her. Not only did they embrace her, but they also bravely stood up for her when she was bullied.

For example, one day as Sekar recounted while walking back to class from the cafeteria with some of her female friends, someone shouted, “Krislam, Krislam!” Before Sekar could even react, her friends turned around and approached the male student who had shouted at her. “What’s the matter? She’s Muslim; you shouldn’t act like that. That’s called bullying! We’re going to report you!” they said.

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That moment marked a turning point for Sekar. In an environment that stigmatized her for choosing not to wear a hijab, she discovered she wasn’t alone. She had friends standing by her side, refusing to let taunts and bullying be seen as normal behavior.

Her firm principles and stance meant that Sekar was often asked for help by other students facing similar pressure and bullying. In fact, quite a few of Sekar’s friends wanted to go without a headscarf. But they didn’t dare to stand up for themselves.

Mahendra explained that there was a friend of Sekar’s who had just enrolled a freshman. Since she didn’t wear a headscarf, she was pressured by the Disciplinary Committee. “She asked Sekar for help, and eventually she was able to get out of it,” he said.

Outside of school, people often ask why she don’t just transfer to another school or to a private Christian school. According to Mahendra, he always explain that, for their family, running away to another school isn’t a solution. “If I wanted to take the easy way out, it would be simple, I’d just transfer. But if I did that, I’d feel like a loser. We have to stand up against things like this,” he said.

Legal, Widespread, and Systematic Discrimination

Sekar and her sister’s experience is not unique to Cirebon. Their story is just a small part of a much larger picture of systematic enforcement of dress codes and moral control occurring across many regions of Indonesia.

Human Rights Watch (HRW) researcher Andreas Harsono said this phenomenon of coercion continues to recur and escalate year after year, creating multidimensional problems that are far more complex than the public has generally understood.

Every time the school year begins, bullying and harassment resurface in schools and the situation continues to worsen. HRW has been receiving a steady stream of reports. “Last week marked the start of the new school year, and reports kept coming in to our office. The problem is that there are still local regulations mandating the hijab and specific attire,” said the activist, who is also active in journalism, to Konde.co on Wednesday (July 22, 2026) via a video conference call. 

A Human Rights Watch study notes that the first mandatory hijab policies in Indonesia emerged in 2001 in three regencies: Indramayu and Tasikmalaya in West Java, and Tanah Datar in West Sumatra. The following year, such policies appeared in Aceh. “We want all these mandatory hijab regulations to be reviewed,” said Andreas.

In the two decades that followed, similar rules spread rapidly, and today at least 24 of Indonesia’s 38 provinces require specific religious attire or accessories in public schools, government offices, and public spaces. The National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) has documented at least 32 regencies and cities that explicitly mandate the wearing of the hijab, including in provinces such as Bengkulu and South Kalimantan.

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The fact that a region lacks a local regulation on religious attire does not mean it is free from discriminatory practices. In Cirebon, where Sekar and her older sister attend school, for example, Konde.co has not yet found any local legal provisions specifically regulating the mandatory wearing of the hijab, either at the city or regency level. However, as in many other regions, dress codes in Cirebon’s public schools are based on Minister of Education and Culture Regulation No. 45 of 2014 on School Uniforms for Students in Primary and Secondary Education, along with its implementing regulations at the city level. 

According to Andreas, the Ministry of Education and Culture regulation should have been neutral, more of a recommendation. But then schools unilaterally interpreted it as a requirement for Muslim students to wear the hijab. “In fact, the word ‘must’ isn’t there at all; it simply states that Muslims should wear Islamic attire. And because the hijab is mentioned, it was ultimately interpreted to mean that all Muslims must wear the hijab,” he said. As a result, incidents such as the Sekar case in Cirebon (2021–2026) and the hair inspections in Garut (2026) occurred.

The scope of this issue goes far beyond the matter of school uniforms alone. The National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) notes that there are at least 305 discriminatory policies still in effect at various levels of government today. The majority of these are regulations governing women’s attire and bodies, including 73 regulations that specifically mandate the wearing of the hijab.

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The government had actually taken steps to stop the practice of forcing students to wear the hijab in public schools through a Joint Ministerial Decree (SKB) issued by three ministers in February 2021. The regulation, signed by Minister of Education and Culture Nadiem Makarim, Minister of Home Affairs Tito Karnavian, and Minister of Religious Affairs Yaqut Cholil Qoumas, stipulated that neither local governments nor public schools may require or prohibit the use of religious attire by students, teachers, or school staff.

Just three months after it took effect, in May 2021, the Supreme Court granted a petition for a judicial review filed by the Minangkabau Customary Council (LKAAM) of West Sumatra and overturned the regulation. 

Experience in Supporting Victims and Related Records

The lack of legal protection has led many survivors to seek help from civil society organizations rather than the state. Andreas recalls how his involvement began with grassroots advocacy alongside a network of civil society organizations. Initially, an initiative by Ifa Hanifah Misbach, a clinical psychologist from Bandung, was treating many patients suffering from depression due to being forced to wear the hijab. She opened her practice to receive reports. It turned out that the number of reports poured in, sometimes as many as five complaints a day. Ifa, along with Andreas Harsono, Anis Hidayah, and the late Suzan Ilyasa, then established a hotline service that evolved into what is now known as Forum Berbagi.

Currently until this article was made, the Forum has received more than 1,500 complaints from 24 provinces.

It’s not that the government hasn’t responded. It’s just that, according to Andreas, the response remains reactive. For example, psychological support and social services are provided only after victims have already experienced bullying, while the regulations that are the root of the problem remain in place.

“Their approach is like the Red Cross. If you’re sick, you get treated; if you need to see a psychologist, they help you see one; they connect you with BPJS, it’s that simple,” he said. He believes the government knows full well that the root of the problem lies in regulations that still leave room for coercion. 

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For example, the case of the forced haircuts of 18 female students in Garut on April 30, 2026. This occurred because they had dyed their hair, even though the students wore hijabs at school. The matter was subsequently resolved through mediation facilitated by West Java Governor Dedi Mulyadi, which included reconciliation between teachers and students, as well as hair care services at a salon. 

During the mediation process, the teacher admitted fault and claimed to have been in an unstable psychological state at the time. It was revealed during the process that the school had not followed the proper procedure of issuing a written warning to the parents. 

In a discussion with the students, Dedi posed a dichotomous question, as recorded in the minutes of the West Java Regional Revenue Agency (Bappeda): “Which would you choose: going to school with heavy makeup but having to pay expensive monthly fees, or wearing light, natural makeup but attending school for free?”

The Loss of Women’s Bodily Autonomy

Human Rights Watch’s (HRW) findings regarding the impact of the mandatory hijab and discriminatory regulations on the ground align with the monitoring conducted by the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan). Komnas Perempuan’s mapping results show that discriminatory policies at the local level are not isolated cases, but rather part of a systematic pattern that restricts women’s basic rights through various clusters of regulations.

One of the most prevalent forms of regulation is control over women’s bodies. Through dress codes, the state and local governments use formal legal instruments to discipline women’s bodies while simultaneously constructing standards of public morality.

Dahlia Madanih, a commissioner at the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), views the proliferation of discriminatory regulations as a sign that the state’s role has shifted from that of a protector to that of a regulator of citizens’ morality. “One category of body control, for example, is controlling women’s bodies, the idea that women’s bodies must be moral. The most common example is dress codes,” Dahlia told Konde.co at her office on Wednesday (July 22, 2026).

The problem, however, is that the impact of these rules extends far beyond matters of dress, creating a social stigma that links a person’s morality to physical attributes. Women who do not wear the hijab are automatically labeled as immoral. This structural discrimination has even begun to be used as a “justification” for violence against women. Victims of sexual crimes are held responsible for the attacks they experience because they were dressed immodestly.

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The HRW report title ‘I want to Run Far Away” (2021) notes that these surveillance practices do indeed create opportunities for physical, psychological, and even sexual violence. In school settings, uniform inspections are often used as a pretext for certain school officials to engage in non-consensual physical contact, such as groping students or forcibly cutting their clothing in the name of enforcing rules.

Such discriminatory treatment and physical intervention leave behind long-lasting psychological trauma. Clinically, social labeling and repeated intimidation have been shown to trigger internalized stigma and body image disturbances. A 2023 study by The National Commission on Violence Against Women notes that this pressure has the potential to: damage self-confidence; trigger severe depression; cause victims to drop out of school; and even lead to a mental health crisis, including suicidal thoughts.

The CEDAW Committee, which was ratified 42 years ago under General No.28, emphasizes that discrimination against women is closely linked to other factors such as religion or belief, creating layered and more severe impacts for those at the intersection of multiple identities. 

Another pattern of discrimination manifests in the monitoring of religious life. Local governments and schools often overstep their authority by mandating certain religious rituals, such as congregational prayer, and even inspecting students’ underwear to verify their menstrual status.

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Legally, freedom of religion and belief is guaranteed by Articles 28E and 28I of the 1945 Constitution, as well as Article of Law No.12/2005 on the Ratification of the International on Civil and Political (ICCPR). Coercive oversight of religious practices violates the principle of forum internum, that is, the realm of inner belief, which is non-derogable and must not be interfered with by the state under any circumstances.

At the macro level, these restrictions target religious and belief minorities. A number of local regulations explicitly restrict the religious activities of communities such as the Indonesian Ahmadiyya Congregation (JAI), Shia, Gafatar, and Salamullah through the suspension of worship permits or Joint Decisions (SKB) issued by local leaders.

Dahlia emphasized that the relentless pressure on the ground ultimately poses a threat to women’s safety and lives.

“Even though she actually doesn’t want to wear a hijab, she keeps getting attacked with comments like, ‘You’re immoral,’ ‘You haven’t repented yet.’ That takes a psychological toll; eventually, she might feel suicidal, lose her self-confidence, and feel guilty,” she said.

A History of Advocacy and Regulatory Deadlocks

Efforts to promote the elimination of discriminatory policies have been underway for more than a decade. During the initial period (2010–2015), the National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) identified at least 154 problematic local policies. Although met with denials by the relevant ministries, Komnas Perempuan, together with the National Development Planning Agency (Bappenas), succeeded in incorporating the strengthening of strategies to prevent discriminatory regulations into the 2017–2019 National Medium-Term Development Plan (RPJMN).

This advocacy effort led to an institutional breakthrough. The central government tightened oversight by incorporating gender non-discrimination norms into Article 250 of Law No. 23/2014 on Regional Government, and by implementing a registration mechanism requiring local legal instruments to obtain a registration number from the Ministry of Home Affairs (Kemendagri) before they can take effect.

This executive oversight system has suffered a setback following Constitutional Court (MK) Decisions No. 137/PUU-XIII/2015 and No. 56/PUU-XIV/2016. In these rulings, the Constitutional Court revoked the authority of the Ministry of Home Affairs and governors to directly overturn local regulations, on the grounds of upholding the principle of regional autonomy. As a result, the authority to overturn local regulations now rests entirely with the Supreme Court through the judicial review process, while the Ministry of Home Affairs’ role has been reduced to providing guidance and clarification.

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The National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan), together with the Ministry of Women’s Empowerment and Child Protection (KemenPPPA) and the Ministry of Law and Human Rights (Kemenkumham), previously conducted a comprehensive review of 305 discriminatory regulations. They submitted the results to the Ministry of Home Affairs. However, without executive authority to repeal local regulations, these recommendations have stalled at the bureaucratic level.

The Ministry of Home Affairs’ consultative function has also been stagnant. “To this day, even though the mechanism exists, not everyone complies; not all regulations are submitted to the Ministry of Home Affairs for consultation; and not everyone at the Ministry of Home Affairs fully understands issues of gender equality and the protection of women,” said Dahlia.

Konde.co has attempted to contact the Director of Regional Legal Products (PHD) at the Directorate General of Regional Autonomy of the Ministry of Home Affairs (Kemendagri) for confirmation, via written messages on WhatsApp starting Friday (July 24, 2026) and follow-up requests via email to puspen@kemendagri.go.id and ditjenotda@kemendagri.go.id on Monday (July 27, 2026). Among other things, the requests sought a response regarding the evaluation of 305 discriminatory policies as well as the mechanism for overseeing local regulations. However, as of the publication of this article, there has been no response from the Ministry of Home Affairs.

Konde.co also sent a request for confirmation via official email to the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education (Kemendikdasmen), through the Directorate General of Early Childhood Education, Primary Education, and Secondary Education (Ditjen PAUD, Dikdas, and Dikmen) as well as the Bureau of Communications and Public Relations, and to the Ministry of Religious Affairs (Kemenag) via the Directorate General of Islamic Education, the Directorate of Islamic Religious Education, and the Bureau of Public Relations, Data, and Information. Neither of these ministries has responded yet.

The Remaining Hope Being Fought For

The regulatory impasse at the executive level and the lingering shadow of unresolved trauma have driven a civil society coalition to seek a path through the legislative branch. On Friday, May 22, a number of survivors, victim advocates, and civil society organizations held a closed-door hearing with Muhammad Nur Purnamasidi, a member of Commission X of the Indonesian House of Representatives (DPR RI), which oversees education and culture.

A special meeting facilitated by the Asian Muslim Action Network (AMAN) Indonesia in collaboration with the Berbagi Forum revealed the harsh reality on the ground. In a press release, AMAN Indonesia Director Ruby Kholifah emphasized that the wide gap between the vision of an inclusive national education system and the coercive reality in public schools must be bridged immediately. 

The Director of the Cahaya Guru Foundation, Muhammad Muchlisin, who was also present at the meeting, underscored the fundamental right of every child and woman to choose to wear or not wear the hijab without being dictated to.

One of the issues highlighted is Ministry of Education and Culture Regulation No. 45 of 2014 on School Uniforms. Many schools use this regulation as a justification for imposing various discriminatory rules regarding school uniforms, particularly for female students. “The regulation (enacted) by Muhammad Nuh is the most damaging,” said Andreas Harsono.

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The Minister of Education and Culture for 2019–2024, Nadiem Makarim, has in fact issued a new regulation that officially replaces Ministry of Education and Culture Regulation No. 45/2014 with Ministry of Education and Culture Regulation No. 50/2022. This regulation no longer specifically mentions “Islamic attire,” but merely provides an option for students who wish to wear it. However, the appendix to the regulation still includes a uniform design featuring a hijab, which is seen as a loophole allowing schools to continue making it mandatory. 

There has been no further news since the meeting with Purnamasidi. Sekar and her family are waiting to see if there is any hope for improvement, or if, as has happened before, the matter will simply be swept under the rug. As a survivor, Sekar observes and feels that there is a tendency for central and local authorities to pass the buck back and forth when problematic regulations are brought up. 

“At the hearing, they said the higher-ups (the central government) had already banned it. But since it’s the local governments that make rules like that, they said they couldn’t go directly to the higher-ups, it has to come from the local governments,” said Sekar.

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Sekar is now a junior in high school. Pressure and bullying still occur, but thanks to her inner strength and the support of her parents, family, friends, and Forum Berbagi, she has persevered and grown stronger. “Actually, there are quite a few who want to stop wearing the hijab. But because they don’t dare to stand up for themselves and don’t have the support of friends or others to encourage them, they end up feeling too afraid to do so,” said Mahendra, Sekar’s father.

Having witnessed firsthand his daughter’s anguish as she fought to defend her rights, Mahendra called on the government to take firm action. “Rather than simply urging schools to allow students to go without a hijab, it would be better to codify this into a clear regulation,” he said. “Otherwise, whenever a case arises, the teacher is let off the hook… so, how long will it take for issues like this to be resolved?”

(This report is part of Konde.co’s Special Edition Series commemorating the 42nd anniversary of the ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women/CEDAW)

Ilustrator: @Shafwanugraha

(Editor: Philipus Parera)

The post “Where’s Your Headscarf?”: Misogynistic Rules Run Rampant, Women’s Bodies Continue to Be Regulated appeared first on Konde.co.